The calculus for the Republican party, however, is far less self-reinforcing. In fact, it is at cross-purposes: One wing of the party is staunchly anti-amnesty; it recognizes the obviously detrimental economics of uncontrolled migration and amnesty and the hazard such policies pose to their eroding English inheritance of classically liberal politics, liberty, and small government. The other wing of the party is chiefed by Big Business and Big Ag interests attracted by the Republican party's relatively more laissez-faire attitude toward regulation and generalized opposition to taxes. Yet this wing also promotes large scale, if not unrestricted, migration to American shores to the demonstrably observable detriment to the detriment of the other wing of the party:
Tom Donohue, U.S. Chamber of Commerce president, just hurled a challenge to Republicans. If they don't pass amnesty for illegal aliens, they "shouldn't bother to run a candidate in 2016." Somebody probably told him that outrageous statement was a gaffe, which means the inconvenient revelation of an embarrassing viewpoint, so Donohue tried to pass off his threat as a joke. But it isn't funny; Donohue's big-business members want us to import more low-paid workers and they want them now, suggesting that this fall's lame-duck session of Congress would be a good time to implement this racket. And it is a racket. It's a carefully planned, well-financed scheme to use false arguments to import foreign workers who will keep wages depressed for American college graduates.There is no such thing as a shortage of STEM workers, farm workers, pilots, truckers, or whatever. There are no jobs Americans won't stoop to do; rather, there is a shortage of labor at the wages employers are offering to pay. Furthermore, no less a civil rights icon and left-wing hero than Cesar Chavez railed against illegal immigration, if for no other reason than it undermined the economic position of the migrant farm workers he sought to unionize. Although he later allowed his tribal Aztlanista tendencies to overshadow his more economically sound initial position, the fact that even a fellow such as he recognized the fact that migration of any sort broadens the labor pool and consequently puts downward pressure on wages testifies to the cold equations of open-bordersism and amnesty. Furthermore, amnesty and the push for H-1B visas attack both the low-skilled labor pool, but also mid- and high-skilled native Americans as well.
They argue that at least we must accept guest workers on H-1B visas because U.S. STEM (science, technology, engineering and math) graduates are in short supply.
We are even told we should welcome them because the foreign STEM graduates are the best and the brightest. That's false and also insulting. In the age of political correctness, American STEM graduates should be invited to cry discrimination and demand apologies. The United States already has more than twice as many workers with STEM degrees as there are STEM jobs. The Economic Policy Institute, the RAND Corporation, the Urban Institute and the National Research Council have all found no evidence that STEM workers are in short supply. There are more than 5,000,000 native-born Americans with STEM degrees working in non-STEM occupations, and an additional 1.2 million STEM graduates who are unemployed. There is absolutely no STEM worker shortage.
Facebook's Mark Zuckerberg has spent millions on expensive campaigns to get more H-1B visas. Bill Gates is another big advocate of bringing in more guest workers. Big businesses favor H-1B visa workers because they are cheaper; corporations can pay them less than American engineers. In addition, they are similar to indentured workers because their employers hold their work permits and can prevent the H-1B workers from quitting to take a better job from another employer. Big corporations not only pay H-1B workers less when they are hired, but use them to replace Americans over age 35 who expect promotions. H-1Bs have destroyed the opportunity of American STEM workers to move up and provide for their families.
It should be clear by now that the Chamber of Commerce and Big Business and Big Ag executives are no friends to the native American worker, be he/she of the working middle class, working lower class, or lumpenproletariat. Unfortunately, on the national scale, the Chamber and Big Business tend to swing more weight in the GOP as a whole than the libertarian or "tea party" wing; this, coupled with the numerous pro-migration, pro-amnesty, pro-open borders political forces within the Democrat party, means that the centers of gravity in neither party is a friend to the American worker (even unions are abandoning native American labor in favor of migrant laborers) but works instead to undermine the native American worker's economic, social, and political position.